America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the by Francis Fukuyama

By Francis Fukuyama

Francis Fukuyama’s feedback of the Iraq battle positioned him at odds with neoconservative neighbors either inside of and out of doors the Bush management. right here he explains how, in its determination to invade Iraq, the Bush management failed in its stewardship of yank international coverage. First, the management wrongly made preventive conflict the imperative guiding principle of its international coverage. moreover, it badly misjudged the worldwide response to its workout of “benevolent hegemony.” and at last, it didn't savour the problems interested in large-scale social engineering, grossly underestimating the problems concerned about setting up a winning democratic executive in Iraq.
Fukuyama explores the competition via the Bush administration’s critics that it had a neoconservative time table that dictated its overseas coverage through the president’s first term.  delivering a desirable background of the numerous strands of neoconservative notion because the Nineteen Thirties, Fukuyama argues that the movement’s legacy is a posh one who can be  interpreted fairly otherwise than it was once after the tip of the chilly struggle. interpreting the Bush administration’s miscalculations in responding to the post–September eleven problem, Fukuyama proposes a brand new method of American international coverage wherein such errors should be became around—one during which the beneficial properties of the neoconservative legacy are joined with a extra sensible view of how American strength can be utilized round the world.   

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Extra info for America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy

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That is, regimes constitute and reflect broad ways of life; though Socrates does not talk about foreign policy, it is hard to imagine that for him the nature of the regime would not affect the external beha28 The Neoconservative Legacy vior of a society. This idea is implicit in contemporary inter­ national relations theories about "democratic peace": nationstates are not black boxes or billiard balls that indifferently com­ pete for power, as realists would have it; foreign policy reflects the values of their underlying societies.

From the first Gulf War on, Americans became familiar with video footage of American bombs streak­ ing toward their targets and blowing up individual buildings or vehicles. Aging B-52 bombers armed with J D A M s (the Joint D i ­ rect Attack Munition that turned "dumb" bombs into precisely targeted ones) became a staple of the Afghan war, where they could be called forth from the sky by Special Forces troops riding horses with Northern Alliance fighters. These developments, plus a parallel revolution in information and communications technology, made possible a vast transformation in the way that warfare could be conducted.

During the Clinton years, when the United States did not seem to be facing any serious external threats, David Brooks, then an editor at the Weekly Standard, began advocat­ ing pursuit of a policy of "national greatness," taking the admin­ 25 istration of Theodore Roosevelt as a model. National greatness was seen as an antidote to the small- or anti-government libertarianism of one important wing of the Republican Party, the wing that had been isolationist up through the Second World War and might turn in that direction again.

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